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	<title>ILP &#187; Co-operatives and mutuality</title>
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		<title>Kicking the dog</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2011/11/02/kicking-the-dog/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2011/11/02/kicking-the-dog/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 10:20:47 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Comment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Frontpage]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Anti-Cuts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=2097</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A real movement for social change must have real democracy, co-operation and mutuals at its heart, says EDGAR PARNELL]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>A real movement for social change must have real democracy, co-operation and mutuals at its heart, says EDGAR PARNELL.</strong></p>
<p>Many will share the anger clearly felt by the campaigners, dubbed ‘anti-capitalist protesters’, currently occupying significant spaces in many cities throughout the western world. Many will also share their view that the existing system and the organisations now controlling the economy, are seriously flawed.</p>
<p><img style="float: left; border: 0px initial initial;" title="99pc poster2" src="http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/99pc-poster2.jpg" alt="99pc poster2" width="236" height="240" />However, simply highlighting the shortcomings of the current way of doing things without providing a clear and workable alternative is a lot like ‘kicking the dog’ as a means of venting your frustration when there seems to be no escape from your problems.</p>
<p>Even worse, frustration will only increase when it is discovered that you are kicking a mythical dog, for ‘capitalism’ is a meaningless term. The truth is that, at the root of the unfairness that pervades our economic system are the ultra-selfish individuals who end-up dominating any organisation where adequate oversight has not been applied.</p>
<p>This situation arises irrespective of the basis of the system, it can be found in equal measure within investor-owned companies, in government, and in communist states (past and present). Co-operatives and mutuals are not exempt from this scenario either – think what happened at Northern Rock and in other erstwhile building societies.</p>
<p>The most important discovery that those seeking change can make, is the fact that there actually is a workable alternative, which is co-operation. Of course, its no use pretending that an economic system based upon co-operation will provide a truly significant improvement upon what we have now, that is unless co-operative and mutual enterprises (CMEs) are subject to much more robust systems of democratic control, along with an adequate system of oversight.</p>
<p>So how do we bring about the big changes needed to our economic system and organisations?</p>
<p>First, we need to make sure that the member-controlled enterprise model is properly understood both by all of those involved within all CMEs and by a much wider public.</p>
<p>Secondly, we must come together within a real movement for social change to demand that a set of clear outcomes are adopted, which can strengthen real democracy and put co-operation at the heart of the way in which we organise society. Such a social movement must not be allowed to serve only the interests of those simply wanting to join a political elite, or be hidebound by the dogma of the past. Instead, it must be driven by an unfailing commitment to achieving those changes, that most of us know will have to be made sooner rather than later, if human progress is to continue.</p>
<p>Edgar Parnell writes for the website <a title="Co-opPundit.org" href="http://www.co-oppundit.org" target="_blank">www.co-oppundit.org</a></p>
<p>The Occupy London website is at: <a title="Occupy London" href="http://occupylsx.org/" target="_blank">http://occupylsx.org/</a></p>
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		<title>The State of the State</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2011/01/25/the-state-of-the-state/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2011/01/25/the-state-of-the-state/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 25 Jan 2011 10:46:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Con Dems]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=1405</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The role and nature of the state has become a central feature of British political argument – should it be an &#8216;EasyJet state&#8217; or a &#8216;John Lewis state&#8217;? Should the state give way for the arrival of the &#8216;big society&#8217;, or forms of mutualism or associationalism?
In the context of deficit reduction and austerity politics the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>The role and nature of the state has become a central feature of British political argument – should it be an &#8216;EasyJet state&#8217; or a &#8216;John Lewis state&#8217;? Should the state give way for the arrival of the &#8216;big society&#8217;, or forms of mutualism or associationalism?</strong></p>
<p>In the context of deficit reduction and austerity politics the boundaries of the state are being re-drawn by the Conservative-led government. Where is the British state going? What will be the impact of these changes on the political choices and strategies ahead of us?</p>
<p>The discussion group Leeds Taking Soundings is hosting a meeting on the state of the state with <strong>Michael Kenny</strong>, professor of politics at the University of Sheffield. Kenny is a research associate at the Institute of Public Policy Research and Demos think-tanks. He has published widely in the fields of political thought, British politics and public policy. He is currently writing a book on the politics of English nationhood.</p>
<p>His recent article on the big society can be found on the <a title="Michael Kenny BS OD article" href="http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/michael-kenny/big-society-dilemmas-challenge-for-tories-as-well-as-labour-0#" target="_blank">Open Democracy</a> website.</p>
<p><strong>The State of the State</strong><br />
6pm Wednesday 23 February 2011<br />
Old Broadcasting House<br />
Leeds Met University<br />
Leeds</p>
<p>Further details: <a href="mailto:b.winter@leedsmet.ac.uk">b.winter@leedsmet.ac.uk</a></p>
<p><a title="Leeds Taking Soundings" href="http://www.takingsoundingsleeds.blogspot.com" target="_blank">www.takingsoundingsleeds.blogspot.com</a></p>
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		<title>Life Beyond Growth</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2010/08/10/life-beyond-growth/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2010/08/10/life-beyond-growth/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 10 Aug 2010 15:41:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=820</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[STEVE THOMPSON commends the grassroots movements seeking alternatives to economic growth
The current edition of New Internationalist (NI434. July/August 2010) tackles what I consider  to be one of the most crucial problems we face today, perhaps the most crucial. Headlined ‘Life beyond growth’, it deals with the conundrum that economic growth is not environmentally sustainable and [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>STEVE THOMPSON commends the grassroots movements seeking alternatives to economic growth</strong></p>
<p>The current edition of <em><a title="New Internationalist" href="http://www.newint.magazine.co.uk" target="_blank">New Internationalist</a> </em>(NI434. July/August 2010) tackles what I consider  to be one of the most crucial problems we face today, perhaps the most crucial. Headlined ‘Life beyond growth’, it deals with the conundrum that economic growth is not environmentally sustainable and causes a crisis in resources, yet if the economy does not grow, it collapses.</p>
<p>The resources nations depend on, such as oil, are drying up, and extracting such resources is less and less sustainable. This threatens the lifestyles all of us expect to lead. Furthermore, the reckless use of oil and other resourses to feed our lifestyles and habits has brought about a climate crisis which may be irreversable.</p>
<p>The Co-operative group is supporting the Transition movement and the Permaculture movement. I commend this decision because in these grass roots movements can be seen the beginnings of a different way of looking at our lifestyle expectations which take into account the depletion of resources and offer practical, collective ways forward.</p>
<p>The beginnings of the Transition movement are similar, in some respects , to the beginnings of the Co-operative movement, people coming together to address a common need.</p>
<p>Last November Co-operative members sponsored a joint Co-operative/Transition conference in Slaithwaite, West Yorkshire, attracting 200 delegates. There were speakers from both movements who spoke of the need for a co-operative approach to meet the challenge of the oil and climate crisis.<strong></strong></p>
<p>For more information about Co-operative campaigns: <a title="Co-op membership" href="http://www.co-operative.coop/membership" target="_blank">www.co-operative.coop/membership</a></p>
<p>For more about the Transition movement try: <a title="Transition network" href="http://www.transitionnetwork.org" target="_blank">www.transitionnetwork.org</a> or <a title="Transition US" href="http://transitionus.org" target="_blank">http://transitionus.org</a> for a US slant.</p>
<p>For more about teh Permaculture movement: <a title="Permaculture association" href="http://www.permaculture.org.uk" target="_blank">www.permaculture.org.uk</a></p>
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		<title>The Seeds of Radicalism</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/06/18/the-seeds-of-radicalism/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/06/18/the-seeds-of-radicalism/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 18 Jun 2009 11:12:35 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economics]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=525</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Steve Thompson traces the history of the co-operative movement and argues that this is a decisive moment in its renaissance.
There is an alternative to capitalism, it’s called the co-operative commonwealth. It’s a way of living and trading with business which is run democratically for the benefit of the members and communities who use the services. [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><!--StartFragment--><!--StartFragment--><!--StartFragment--><span lang="EN-US"><strong>Steve Thompson traces the history of the co-operative movement and argues that this is a decisive moment in its renaissance</strong></span>.</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: normal;">There is an alternative to capitalism, it’s called the co-operative commonwealth. It’s a way of living and trading with business which is run democratically for the benefit of the members and communities who use the services. These businesses are not run for the purpose of making wealthy people richer, as in the capitalist model.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>So what is the co-operative commonwealth? And how did it all begin?</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>It is difficult to imagine what life was like for the textile workers in the early 19<sup>th</sup> century. Working conditions were appalling. Wages were poor, women and children were employed as even cheaper labour. Many employers owned the shops and demanded that the workers buy their provisions from these shops or face the sack. In some cases workers received payment in tokens which could only be redeemed at the works shops. Thus the employers profited from their workers twice.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>To earn more the shopkeepers adulterated many items. Flour was mixed with broken rice, coffee with chicory, cocoa with brown earth and tea with dried leaves. False weights and measures were used as well – always the poor were the victims.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>In Rochdale in 1844 a group of people decided to start a co-operative. It might seem obvious to us now with the benefit of a socialist tradition and clause four of the Labour Party constitution – “by the strength of our common endeavour we achieve more than we achieve alone”. He got a meeting together started to collect funds. Every family had to contribute a certain amount to the initial capital. These families became members and co-owners of the enterprise. They rented some premises in Toad Lane and bought a supply of flour, butter, sugar and oatmeal. The shop was up and running on 21 December 1844.</span></p>
<p><strong>Principles</strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Common ownership had been tried before by workers in various places but what is special about the Rochdale Pioneers is that they established certain principles which would guide their enterprise:</span></p>
<ol type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>open and voluntary membership</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>democratic control (one vote per person      irrespective of shareholding)</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>fixed and limited interest on share      capital</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>return of surplus to members pro rata to      their purchases</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>sale of pure and unadulterated goods</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal"><span>provision of education (many shops had      reading rooms and books were bought for the use of members).</span></li>
</ol>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Those principles, modified for today’s world, are still the bedrock of the international co-operative movement and agreed by the ICA (International Co-operative Alliance).</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>With the success of the Rochdale Co-op, other groups of workers formed co-ops all over the country. So successful were they that the capitalists began to feel threatened. The co-ops were beginning to find that the banks and insurance companies were refusing to do business with them, and wholesalers were trying to squeeze them out of business.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>In 1863 the Co-operative Wholesale Society (CWS) was established, followed by the Co-operative Insurance Society (CIS) and the Co-operative Bank. No longer were the co-ops dependent on the whims of private business interests for the provision of wholesale, insurance and banking.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The movement, however, needed to be supported and defended and so the Co-operative Union was founded in 1869 to play a similar role to that performed by the TUC for the trade union movement. Since then it has advised retail societies on financial, legal, labour and taxation matters and provided education and training through the Co-operative College (an integral part of the Co-operative Union). The Co-operative Union organises an annual meeting – Co-operative Congress – at which all co-operative societies affiliated to the Co-operative Union may be represented. In 2003 the Co-operative Union changed its name to Co-operatives UK after including as members non-retailing co-operatives such as credit unions, agricultural, housing, worker and service co-operatives.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The co-operative sector in the UK now contributes an estimated £18 billion to the economy. There are over 1,500 co-operative businesses as well as 400 credit unions and several hundred housing co-operatives.</span></p>
<p><strong>The Co-op Party</strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>By the time of the First World War it became clear that the movement needed political representation. Legislation was weighted against co-ops and the capitalist institutions were only too eager to put them down.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The Co-operative Party was formed in 1917 as the political arm of the Co-operative Union and is still responsible to the co-operative movement. The founding conference, attended by more than 900 delegates who represented more than 500 co-op societies, was held at Westminster Central Hall. Ten years later the Co-operative Party and the Labour Party signed a formal agreement which enabled local Co-operative parties to affiliate to constituency Labour parties. At elections the two parties work together to return Labour or Labour/Co-operative candidates to the UK parliament, the European parliament or local councils and assemblies. There are currently 29 Labour/Co-operative MPs in the House of Commons, and 14 Labour/Co-operative peers in the House of Lords.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>In 1900 there were 1,439 co-operative societies. Today there are 28. Peter Marks, chief executive of United Co-operatives, has spoken of a day when there might be one single co-operative society in Britain. Whether or not that ever happens we have yet to see, but it is true that co-operative societies co-operate with each other.<span> </span>They have formed a trading group which allows them to buy wholesale jointly in order to keep prices down. Through this they share the same logo.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Co-operatives grew from small groups of people meeting a collective need:<span> </span>economic necessity coupled with the values of community. In time, in response to differing pressures, the co-operatives in the retail sector merged and became larger. People working together in this way had created a climate by which they could fulfil their educational, social and economic needs.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>I still have my grandparents’ share book. They joined Brightside and Carbrook Co-operative Society (later Sheffield Co-operative Society) in 1922. My grandfather was a manual worker at Tinsley Park Coke Ovens and they lived through some rough times, especially 1926. The twice yearly ‘divi’ really meant something and at times they would not have been able to manage without it. At other times they did not draw it out and left it there for a rainy day. The last entry in the share book is 1971. As a child I remember quoting my grandmother’s divi number when I ran an errand.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The most outstanding thing about co-operation is its ability to adapt, to fulfil all kinds of common need. Who would have thought that today we’d have a phone co-op, credit unions, opticians, wind turbine co-ops, housing co-ops, football supporters’ trusts, care co-ops, a sustainable bio-fuel filling station co-op, and Greenwich Council’s leisure services run as a co-op. The list grows because, as needs arise, the co-operative model can be adapted to meet them. We are approaching a time when all our goods and services can be supplied by co-ops. We will indeed be living in the co-operative commonwealth. We are talking here about common ownership, job creation, democratic control and community building.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>What the Labour Party lost when it abandoned its old clause 4, the Co-operative Party can put back through co-operative common ownership. All this is anathema to the Tories. They despise it. The co-operative movement suffered badly during 18 hostile years of Tory government when a culture of demutualisation began. At one point the existence of the CWS, the pillar of British co-operation, was threatened by the Regan debacle, or Lancia affair.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Since Labour came to power in 1997 the co-operative movement has received a good deal of support in the Commons, mainly through private members’ bills supported by the government and the Co-operative Party, and some good pieces of legislation have been enacted to support and strengthen the movement. These include the Industrial &amp; Provident Societies Act, the Employee Share Scheme Act, and the Community Interest Companies Act.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>We should be aware of the advantages the movement has gained over the last few years. And what we stand to lose if the Tories get in again, with their recipe of monocultural capitalism. We should be aware of the common ownership models which are coming into being such as Community Development Trusts and Community Forums like the Sharrow Forum. Help and advice is always available through Co-operatives UK and at a local level the Sheffield Co-operative Development Group at Aizelwood’s Mill which supports workers’ co-ops.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Workers co-ops are represented by ICOM (Industrial Common Ownership Movement) which is now incorporated into Co-operatives UK. We have many of them in Sheffield.</span></p>
<p><strong>Culture and ethos</strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The co-operative movement is not only a collection of businesses, it is a culture, an ethos, which carries the seeds of radicalism. This is the same radicalism which transformed the social horrors of the industrial revolution to the relative comfort of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. It is also the radicalism that seeks to deliver us from the market fundamentalism of Thatcherism. It is a firm and integral part of the Labour movement and has been since its earliest days.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The co-operative movement is internationalist and is not content to rest upon its past achievements of delivering good, honest, fairly traded food to its members and customers. That battle is largely won. It is in the international context that the work must go on. That is why the co-operative movement has been a leading player in making the Fairtrade Mark products mainstream in supermarkets. The co-op has led by example, being a member of the ‘Ethical Trading Initiative’ and converting all its own label coffee and block chocolate to fairtrade.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The Co-operative Group have made it a priority to source their own label products ethically. ‘Ethical trade directs its efforts at improving basic human rights and safe workplace standards for employees of supplying producers and manufacturers.’ These standards are verified by continual monitoring which includes visits from representatives of the co-operative movement. Other co-op labelled products carry the Fairtrade mark. This guarantees the producers a fair price for their produce.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>Being membership-based organisations which recognise the cultural and educational dimension, co-ops organise events all over the country to help foster an understanding of these international issues. They play a major role in campaigns such as Fairtrade Week, Make Your Town Fairtrade and Make Your School Fairtrade.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>It is not only trading issues which concern the movement but the whole environmental spectrum which affects us all. For example, meetings have been organised throughout the country to help members and the public at large understand the implications of climate change. These events have been organised by the Co-operative Group with the help of organisations such as Friends of the Earth, Climate Care, Moorcar Co-operative, the Woodland Trust, Traid and Oxfam.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>The co-operative movement is going through a big change at the moment, after a period when large sections of it became dispirited and moribund. In the Co-operative Group, for example, real dividends have been restored, providing twice yearly payments to members based on their trade with co-op group businesses in areas such as banking, insurance, funerals, pharmacy, food and travel. Members also get a preferential rate of interest on their savings with the Co-op Society.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><!--StartFragment--></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the last four years the co-operative movement has become stronger and more focussed on its values. There are now 20 consumer owned co-operatives in the UK including the Phone Co-op. Sheffield Co-op, Leeds Co-op, United Co-ops, and Lothian and Borders Co-op are all now part of the Co-operative Group, while Plymouth and South West soon will be. Furthermore, the Co-operative Group has bought Somerfield.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">After further legislation which allows different types of mutual and co-operative organisations to merge, Co-operative Financial Services (The Co-operative Bank, CIS, and Smile) have merged with Britannia Building Society.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">All of this has necessitated a constitutional review to renew the membership structure and area and regional boundaries, and to accommodate the enlarged Society.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The Co-operative Review of 2009 includes some impressive figures for the Movement. ‘Over 4820 jointly-owned, democratically controlled, enterprising businesses, owned by more than 11.3 million people, 1 in 5 of the British population, creating and sustaining more than 205,800 jobs, contributing £28.9 billion in turnover and £9.7 billion in assets to the UK economy, building wealth for the many not the few.’</p>
<p>The Co-operative Group has Values and Principles committees which guide the society to fulfil the co-op values and principles in the best way possible. Yet, as with any democratic membership organisation, it functions best with a large, active and well-informed membership.</p>
<p>Of course, co-operative societies would not be able to function if they failed to make a profit or surplus. The co-operative in the market place is pitched against some of the most ruthless players in the commercial world. The Co-operative Group’s re-branding exercise will emphasise to the shopping public the unique nature of a co-operative. With a renewed membership, and societies merging into a more cohesive movement, this is a decisive moment in the co-operative renaissance.</p>
<p>Read more about Co-operatives UK and the Co-operative Values and Principles <a title="Cooperatives UK" href="http://www.cooperatives-uk.coop" target="_blank">here</a>.<br />
Find out about the Co-operative Party, and Co-operative Party MPs, <a title="Coop Party" href="http://www.party.coop/" target="_blank">here</a>.<br />
For the latest news of the co-operative movement, read <a title="Coop News" href="http://www.thenews.coop/" target="_blank">Co-operative News</a>.</p>
<p><!--EndFragment &gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p class="MsoNormal"&gt;&lt;span&gt;The Co-operative Group has Values and Principles committees which guide the society to fulfil the co-op values and principles in the best way possible. Yet, as with any democratic membership organisation, it functions best with a large, active and well-informed membership.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p class="MsoNormal"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Of course, co-operative societies would not be able to function if they failed to make a profit or surplus. The co-operative in the market place is pitched against some of the most ruthless players in the commercial world. The Co-operative Group’s re-branding exercise will emphasise to the shopping public the unique nature of a co-operative. With a renewed membership, and societies merging into a more cohesive movement, this is a decisive moment in the co-operative renaissance.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p class="MsoNormal"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Read more about Co-operatives UK and the Co-operative Values and Principles &lt;a title="Co-ops UK" href="http://www.cooperatives-uk.coop" target="_blank"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt; Find out about the Co-operative Party, and Co-operative Party MPs, &lt;a title="Co-op Party" href="http://www.party.coop/" target="_blank"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt; For the latest news of the co-operative movement, you can read&lt;a title="Co-op News" href="http://www.thenews.coop/" target="_blank"&gt; Co-operative News online&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;! EndFragment &gt;&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;&lt;! EndFragment &gt;&lt;/p&gt; </textarea></div>
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		<title>No solutions, much confusion</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/16/no-solutions-much-confusion/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/16/no-solutions-much-confusion/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Mar 2009 15:12:29 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=971</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[JONATHAN TIMBERS searches for the soul of social enterprise but finds a rather worrying state of mind
This event was billed as ‘social enterprise solutions to 21st century challenges’. It was held in the upmarket Manchester International Convention Centre in late January 2005. I attended the conference in the hope that by the end I would [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>JONATHAN TIMBERS searches for the soul of social enterprise but finds a rather worrying state of mind</strong></p>
<p>This event was billed as ‘social enterprise solutions to 21st century challenges’. It was held in the upmarket Manchester International Convention Centre in late January 2005. I attended the conference in the hope that by the end I would be clearer about the nature of social enterprises and the political and economic uses that are being planned for them. If you don’t want to read on, let me just add, I wasn’t any wiser about the first point, but I was about the second. And the truth isn’t for the faint-hearted.</p>
<p>That social enterprise is being taken very seriously indeed was clear from the numbers attending (between 700 and 800), the presence of members of the government who spoke, and the professionalism apparent throughout the conference itself.</p>
<p>The venue, for instance, was very new and corporate, and included a huge conference hall, an exhibition hall and numerous discretely lit, carpeted rooms. All the doors closed softly, nothing banged or made a loud noise. Animated plasma screens informed delegates of the day’s events and there were many smartly-dressed guides and helpers on-hand to assist if necessary.</p>
<p>On arrival, delegates were handed a coarsely-woven blue jute bag full of brochures, a CD Rom, a Nat West/Royal Bank of Scotland DVD and a glossy conference agenda before they were herded onto an ascending escalator and up towards the exhibition hall where coffee was being served.</p>
<p>Most of the delegates were wearing dark suits, although a significant minority defied convention and went tie-less into the conference chamber. Others wore light coloured casual jackets and a few, a very few, were in jeans or cords.</p>
<p><strong>‘Beautiful diversity’</strong></p>
<p>Once in the main conference hall, delegates who were unsure about the definition and benefits of social enterprise were treated to a video which explained matters further. Social enterprises, we were told:</p>
<ol>
<li>were not ashamed of profits</li>
<li>distributed those profits in the community by contributing to and investing in people</li>
<li>but were sometimes non-profit making, maximising surpluses for investing in the community</li>
<li>were not always applicable (to every commercial situation)</li>
<li>but were generally applicable for social regeneration projects</li>
<li>sometimes had different governance structures at local neighbourhood level</li>
<li>created jobs, helped children and the disabled, provided rewarding careers, and</li>
<li>were ‘beautiful in their diversity‘.</li>
</ol>
<p>Well, I was no wiser after the video than before, except I had a general warm impression that social enterprises were well intentioned in a way that private enterprise by implication was not. In fact, as one brochure which I had looked at in the exhibition hall succinctly put it, ‘social enterprise is a state of mind’. However, I can’t say whether it provided any more objective test for social enterprise because I replaced the brochure on its pile when I saw that it cost £15.00.</p>
<p>After the video Baroness Glenys Thornton, chair of the Social Enterprise Coalition, spoke. She began by asking a very important question: How do we combine social entrepreneurship and democratic control? Unfortunately, she didn’t answer the question; instead she introduced Nigel Griffiths, who is the government minister for social enterprise.</p>
<p>He said that social enterprises now constituted ‘a very extensive sector’. I was encouraged to hear from him that social enterprises now existed ‘in every economic sector’ (not just regeneration then!) and that his hope was to ‘replace selfish enterprise with social enterprise, to develop existing alternatives &#8230; by building on co-operative and successful social enterprise foundations’. He indicated that the government was having problems in delivering on its agenda for social inclusion because ‘high pricing is endemic’ and that the ‘social enterprise model can help us’, presumably by providing more financial accountability.</p>
<p>Those who suspect that the government’s enthusiasm for social enterprise may be related to problems experienced with PFIs would not have had their fears allayed by this speech.</p>
<p><strong>Businesses first</strong></p>
<p>Bryan Gray, chair of the Northwest Development Agency and deputy chairman of Baxi Group Limited, one of Europe’s leading heating companies, said that primarily social enterprises were businesses. The public sector, he believes, could make itself more accessible to social enterprises and small businesses. He was thanked by the chair for being one of the more far-sighted heads of a regional development agency.</p>
<p>Next came Hilary Brown, director of the Social Enterprise Unit, who used phrases like ‘sustainable growth’, and ‘social impact’, leaving the star slot open to Alan Milburn. He stood up and came to the rostrum. His first comments addressed the problem of definition. He said that social enterprise was defined by its diversity but had these components in common:</p>
<ul>
<li>improving quality of life</li>
<li>providing greater control over our own  lives</li>
<li>a commitment to social objectives</li>
<li>reinvesting to achieve those aims.</li>
</ul>
<p>As a set of criteriaI I found these unsatisfactory. Arguably, any decently run business hoping to provide public services would be defined by three out of the four criteria. The sole exception, ‘providing greater control over our own lives’, may be a feature of the governance of many social enterprises but it does not appear to be a feature of all of them. In Milburn’s speech the phrase suggested an outcome rather than a process. And of course it could just mean ‘choice’.</p>
<p>To me, it also suggests a further phrase, ‘smoke and mirrors’, particularly as it was later linked to a quote from Keir Hardie, an authority who is only cited these days to justify policies that would make him turn in his grave, namely, ‘socialism is … the people themselves through their own organisations … regulating their own affairs’. If by this Milburn meant that social enterprises will arise and be controlled by the communities which they serve then, in my view, that is all well and good. But somehow I wasn’t convinced.</p>
<p>However, whatever ‘control’ now means in the new Labour lexicon, Milburn’s assertion that social enterprise would play ‘a big role in reforming our public services’ was clear enough. Social enterprise, we were told, would allow local ownership of local services by local people (the Royston Vasey option).</p>
<p>Eventually, through the mists of the speech, there loomed the figure of foundation hospitals, and the former health minister became increasingly self-referential and self-justifying. Worryingly, his gestures also became more and more like Tony Blair’s, the hands clutching the edges of the podium suddenly opened imploringly, like Christ showing the stigmata. Even Milburn’s voice appeared at times to be doing an impression of Rory Bremner doing an impression of the PM. What he said, however, had little relevance to the matter in hand.</p>
<p>After this we went off to our seminar groups – sorry, ‘breakout session‘. Mine was on ‘creating quality employment opportunities’. It was hosted by councillor Richard Kemp, Liberal Democrat leader of Liverpool City Council.</p>
<p>At the beginning of the session, I was treated to a speech about how wonderful the speaker’s city was and, as a result, how awful it was to be in Manchester. However, in comparison to a similar speech I was subjected to later on in the day by the leader of Newcastle City Council, Cllr Kemp’s contribution was a masterpiece of wit and good taste.</p>
<p>At least he made it clear that he saw social enterprises as a way of providing good services at a better price to constituents. In all, he estimated that Liverpool City Council has £30-£40 million of contracts which he wanted to outsource. In his view, the private sector would charge the council more to run the service not particularly well. In contrast, he believed that social enterprises could replace the equity capital that communities needing regeneration did not have.</p>
<p>His interest in social enterprises was, therefore, ‘not charitable‘. He was ‘not in the business of giving out long term grants, the council only gave out long-term contracts‘. And if social enterprises thought they would get support from the council by way of grants they would lose out in the bidding process to private enterprise. His enthusiasm for outsourcing services might also show the way to other public organisations in the city with even larger budgets, such as Primary Care Trusts (or GP practices).</p>
<p>It struck me how one of the most prominent Liberal Democrats at the conference was the most Blairite. In fact, if anything, he was more aggressive about the need to outsource in the public sector than Alan Milburn (those who feel some creeping sympathy for the Lib Dems, please note).</p>
<p>Next up was Jack Harrison, deputy chief executive of Eaga Partnership Limited, an employee-owned national plumbing and sustainable energy company. My hackles were raised from the first, however, by the speaker’s delivery, which was both highly-strung and over-bearing.</p>
<p>Using a PowerPoint slide, he went through the governing structure of the organisation. Ultimately, all decision-makers are answerable to a staff council. In the middle of his slide were the directors, who may be sacked by the council. As he explained ‘we see ourselves as the heart of the organisation, and not the head’. He then stopped for a second, apparently choked with emotion, before continuing to say that Eaga Partnership jobs are ‘better jobs’, meaning, I presume, better than regular jobs – although the hours are longer and the pay is worse, and recently they had to make 50 redundancies.</p>
<p>Eaga Partnerships is a profit-sharing organisation, he explained, although some surplus monies are reinvested into a charitable trust which conducts research. In 2004, no employees received bonuses because of lack of profit.</p>
<p><strong>The right people</strong></p>
<p>The company’s business plan is collectively agreed ‘so everyone knows where they are and if they don’t do their job, they let people down’. He stressed that the company only employs people it believes will fit into its ethos and quite a number of new recruits leave in the first six weeks. He told us that Eaga Partnership was ‘quite ruthless’ in ensuring that only the right people with the right attitudes remained in employment and accordingly a lot of energy went into induction, probation and performance reviews. The kind of person they wanted was someone who saw ‘employment as a lifestyle’.</p>
<p>To my mind what he described was the least attractive aspect of mutual organisations: their exclusive nature, moral coercion and strong-arm HR procedures. Clearly, the kind of business organisation which he belongs to would not suit everybody; in fact, I don’t think it would suit anyone with a hedonistic lifestyle or whose loved ones were at least as important to them as their work. So that cuts out most young people and people with young families.</p>
<p>Next was Kevin Robbie, of Forth Sector, who impressed me more than any other speaker that day. Forth Sector is based in Edinburgh and provides employment opportunities to people with ‘severe and enduring’ mental health problems. It runs laundry, catering and web-design businesses, generating 60-80 per cent of its income via commercial sales (depending which part of the business you’re talking about).</p>
<p>Employing people with mental health problems requires a flexible approach from the employer and ‘some service level agreement for employment support’, which I take to mean some sort of arrangement with mental health support services. The result is that the disabled people who benefit from Forth Sector ‘redefine themselves as employees, not mental health users’.</p>
<p>Robbie criticised the attitude of local councils towards Forth Sector, saying they viewed the organisation’s commercial activities as a way of providing mental health services on the cheap rather than as adding quality to the experience of disabled people.</p>
<p><strong>Level playing fields</strong></p>
<p>The last speaker, from Green Apprentices, made the point that councils were often wary of awarding contracts to social enterprises and that what was required was a ‘level playing field’. This theme was repeated throughout the day: councils are more comfortable, he said, awarding contracts to commercially well-established companies which are likely to be large and solely profit-motivated, and they are unwilling to consider awarding contracts to more than one provider.</p>
<p>I understand this complaint because a friend of mine began a social business in Calderdale, where I live. The business employed people with learning difficulties and recycled waste. A few years ago my friend went to the then Labour council and offered the services of the business at a very reasonable rate. Suspicious of local business people, the councillors declined and allowed the officers to go on contracting with a large multi-national waste removal company. Eventually, government targets were introduced for recycling and the large multi-national had problems adapting its services to meet those targets.</p>
<p>The council approached my friend’s business (although he had by then moved on and was backpacking around the world). His business, under new management, agreed and was sub-contracted to do the work. The council was still paying large amounts to the multi-national and the multi-national was paying out much smaller amounts to the social enterprise to undertake the recycling part of the contract. Ultimately, the social enterprise got into financial difficulties but was saved at the last minute by grants from other public bodies. The large multi-national was laughing, but neither the tax payer nor the social enterprise were getting the best deal.</p>
<p>This lack of a ‘level playing field’ was a theme which was frequently repeated during the day, and in particular by the speaker at this event from Green Apprentices, who said that he asked ‘them‘ (whoever ’them’ is) ‘to put [creating a level playing field] in the Labour Party manifesto’. However, on the basis of what I saw that day, I think councils are beginning to sense a change in the direction of government policy and are now eager to explore the possibilities of contracting with social enterprises.</p>
<p>As for the session itself, it all seemed strangely detached from exploring the issue of creating quality employment. Evidently, however, some social enterprises provide opportunities to people who might otherwise be considered unemployable; others provide opportunities for highly-skilled and committed employees to become involved in approving the decisions of the business. I cannot honestly say, though, that anything I heard appeared to be related to any programme for changing society by altering its economic base.</p>
<p>However, before scepticism finally swallowed me whole, hunger took over. Lunchtime had arrived and I went to the exhibition room once more where I was handed another jute bag full of goodies. This included a packet of crisps – ‘sundried tomato and basil’ flavour – on the back of which were drawings of three placards saying: ‘Natural ingredients only’, ‘Say NO to GMO’ and ‘Vote Gluten Free’. The brand name of the crisps was ‘Jonathan Crisp’ and the strap-line was ‘crisps for snobs’. There was also a tasty smoked salmon and cream cheese bagel and a large bar of FairTrade chocolate.</p>
<p><strong>Trade fair</strong></p>
<p>By now, I felt I had entered the realms of a political philosophy defined more by its packaging than by any statement of beliefs. It was also beginning to dawn on me that I was attending a cross between a trade fair and a political conference. In fact, I discovered at the next event I attended, this was where part of the Labour Party manifesto was being written. You can forget your seaside conferences and policy reviews, ‘Voice 05’ was the shape of things to come. I started repeating ‘pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will’ over and over to myself like a mantra.</p>
<p>The next event was called ‘The Community Right to Buy’ and concerned a campaign the Development Trust Association (DTA) is running to see something like the Land Reform Act (Scotland) 2003 enacted south of the border. This may sound very dry, but it could be significant in places like my home town where public buildings are being sold off left, right and centre by the (now Tory-run) council to cash in on the boom in commercial property prices. The result is more expensive flats, or more commercial enterprises, but fewer places for the community to meet – fewer places, in fact, where people without much money are welcome. This has resulted in a wave of local but short-lived occupations, and the erosion of spaces where people can interact without exchanging money.</p>
<p>What the DTA would like to see is the right in law for the community (possibly constituted as a legal person in the form of a Community Interest Company) to register an interest in land or buildings which are of significant use to the community, creating an option to buy at an open market price which pre-empts any other transfer for value. In the Scottish Act, there are various ballot procedures and ministers retain a wide discretion to reject applications for registration by the community. However, it was made clear that this potentially radical new right is under consideration by both the Labour Party and the Conservative Party and might feature in both parties’ election manifestos.</p>
<p>It became clear to me that I could have far more influence on the contents of the Labour Party’s manifesto if I was involved in some way with social enterprises than through being a member of the Labour Party itself. But you probably knew that already!</p>
<p><strong>Embarrassing dad</strong></p>
<p>The final session of the day was called ‘New Ways of Delivering Best Value Public Services’. It was introduced by the leader of Newcastle City Council, Cllr Peter Arnold, another Liberal Democrat. He plugged Newcastle as Cllr Kemp had plugged Liverpool, and generally seemed to be suffering from ‘embarrassing Dad syndrome’. This involves talking too much, talking over others, talking incessantly about yourself or your opinions, and trying to sort out technical glitches but constantly getting in the way.</p>
<p>This last symptom was part-icularly apparent when there were microphone problems at the stand. At one point he had to be shoo-ed away by Suzannah Jacoby, who is not yet 30 but already runs a highly successful fostering agency, when he started fiddling with her mic. She is undoubtedly a highly capable person (in 2004 she was the New Statesman’s Social Entrepreneur of the Year and was nominated for the Daily Mail’s Enterprising Brits award), and is perfectly capable of sorting out her own mic problems. She also has an understated and self-deprecating manner which no doubt concealed her fierce commitment and organisational skills.</p>
<p>The culture change on the ‘left’, if this was a ‘left’ event, was particularly evident to me when, in the space of a minute, she extolled the virtues of social enterprises, which ‘offer public sector benefits that no-one else is offering’, and informed her audience that it is a good idea to provide small presents to ‘key public sector personnel’ when touting for business. I think that it would be wrong to imagine that this juxtaposition was disingenuous. It just represents a different mind-set from anything usually encountered on the left. I leave you to evaluate the qualitative aspects of that mind-set.</p>
<p><strong>Public value</strong></p>
<p>She was followed by Dai Powell of Hackney Community Transport, who spoke with conviction about the need for a, you guessed it, level playing field in council procurement. Council contracts, he argued, should not demand unrealistic financial guarantees, they should be long-term, allow for plurality of provision, and provide a higher level of scrutiny of service quality. Indeed, there should be a public value test in the awarding of contracts. Of course, this is going beyond the level playing field concept towards changing the ground entirely so that social enterprises will be playing at home rather than away.</p>
<p>In any event, Powell flagged up something that may be worth noting when he said: ‘The reform of the public sector is going to happen &#8230; in two or three years hopefully… Social enterprises [therefore] need to be working across the silos to spot the opportunities.’</p>
<p>At the end of the session there was some more discussion about what a social enterprise was and someone came up with ‘a social enterprise aims to deliver a social benefit either to those who own or who are the recipients of its services‘. Cllr Arnold also helpfully canvassed the audience to see how many social entrepreneurs were there. The answer was very few. In fact, people came from local councils, no doubt looking for procurement ideas.</p>
<p>After this, I confess I couldn’t bear to go into the final plenary session and escaped from the hall with the awful feeling that I’d seen a preview of the politics of the future.</p>
<p>To confirm that view, the current edition of The Economist was running a special supplement on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). Its narrow Benthamite reaction to CSR was predictable, although clearly expressed and argued. ‘Externalities’ (ie. the social impact of business), it said, were the responsibility of government, not businesses, which should only be concerned with fulfilling their legal and shareholder obligations. More interesting than the argument was the fact that CSR seems to have spread quite pervasively throughout big business. Now there may be a whole set of reasons for this, including the genuine commitment of managers of large firms, but one fairly obvious one is that a company with a developed and effective CSR policy may be in a better position to deliver social benefits to those who work for, or who are the recipients of the services provided.</p>
<p>In a period when there is likely to be wholescale outsourcing of public contracts, possibly with a public value test of some sort, such a policy, if visibly implemented, could place the bidder in a strong position relative to its competitors in the procurement process.</p>
<p>But, I’m probably just cynical.</p>
<p><strong>‘Voice 05, the UK conference for social enterprise’ was held at the Manchester International Convention Centre on 25 January 2005.</strong></p>
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		<title>Debating democracy</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/debating-democracy/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/debating-democracy/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2009 15:59:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Parliament]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=919</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[WILL BROWN examines two welcome contributions to debates on democratic renewal and progressive social change
The need to extend democratic practices within society, beyond the confines of the parliamentary system, has been widely recognised on the political left for some time. However, in a context of rising political apathy and a perceived ‘crisis’ of democracy, the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>WILL BROWN examines two welcome contributions to debates on democratic renewal and progressive social change</strong></p>
<p>The need to extend democratic practices within society, beyond the confines of the parliamentary system, has been widely recognised on the political left for some time. However, in a context of rising political apathy and a perceived ‘crisis’ of democracy, the issue is now of concern more broadly as well. Two recent pamphlets represent two considerations on the issue from leading groups on the left.</p>
<p>The first, <em>Dare More Democracy</em>, is written by Neal Lawson, chair of the left of centre group <a title="Compass" href="http://www.compassonline.org.uk" target="_blank">Compass</a> which, as we have reported in previous issues of <em>Democratic Socialist</em>, has been making waves on the left of the Labour Party over the past couple of years.</p>
<p>Lawson’s central thesis is that new Labour has delivered an ‘over-enthusiastic accommodation with neo-liberalism and [a] continuing adherence to the culture and practice of Labourism. At its core new Labour’s goal is enlightened neo-liberalism and the means by which it seeks to achieve it is rooted in the old politics of command and control.’ The result, he argues, is a disempowerment of people as citizens coupled with a celebration of their empowerment as consumers (however unequal or fictitious in reality).</p>
<p><strong>The living dead</strong></p>
<p>However, the social basis for the old Labourist top-down form of politics has disappeared, he claims, as individualism, consumerism and marketisation has spread ever further through society. On this point Lawson echoes the late 1980s Communist Party magazine <em>Marxism Today </em>and its characterisation of ‘new times’, and he cites both Martin Jacques and Stuart Hall in support. Politically it means we are left with the hierarchical, centralised political structures of old Labour yet without the social solidarity, identification and political participation characteristic of previous eras. Indeed, Lawson argues that the Labour Party is reduced to a wreck of its former self – a ‘party of the living dead’ – denuded of political debate and democratic practice and ‘broken by the compromises of being in power on terms dictated by our enemies’.</p>
<p>Centralised, undemocratic political practice is now used by new Labour, he maintains, to accommodate society to the market. Government intervention is used to equip the population to cope with (rather than to challenge) the competitive nature and uncertainties of global capitalism but both democratic practice and more progressive politics are damaged as a result.</p>
<p>The disillusion Lawson feels with new Labour is reflected in Compass’s focus group research which underlies the perspective of this pamphlet. In those groups, voters who had swung to new Labour in 1997 vented their sense of betrayal. In many ways, Lawson appears to have travelled a similar journey. Indeed, Lawson’s view now is that there is a fundamental conflict between markets and democracy: ‘When I started [lobbying activity] around the formative years of new Labour, there was (and still is with some) a sense that we can have it all – markets and democracy, economic efficiency and social justice. My view now is that you can’t. The march of the market denies the space for democracy.’</p>
<p><strong>Democratic renewal</strong></p>
<p>Yet, while the focus group participants could see relatively little alternative other than a hope for leaders who ‘told the truth and did what they said they’d do’, Lawson argues for a programme of democratic revitalisation to combat the market. ‘Democracy,’ Lawson states, ‘has to be about competing visions of the good life and the good society – otherwise elections become merely the replacement of one set of managers, technocrats and administrators with another.’ For the left, the focus of this alternative vision has to be built on a public, collective ethic with which to confront the market.</p>
<p>On the back of this, he puts forward a programme for democratic renewal. The most conventional, and least inspiring, part of this is about ‘saving representative democracy’: a list of familiar constitutional reforms (proportional representation, written constitution, reformed second chamber, stronger select committees, and so on) as well as hints at something more radical (public involvement in legislation and the development of citizenship rights).</p>
<p>More interestingly, he argues for participatory democracy, especially of a deliberative kind: citizens’ juries, national issues forums, participatory budget setting, and deliberative opinion polling. He also includes a somewhat undeveloped case for greater economic democracy, arguing for the use of tax and other incentives to promote mutualisation, co-operatives, pension fund democracy and ‘stakeholder economic governance’.</p>
<p><strong>Socialism, markets and democracy</strong></p>
<p>As such, there is much to be commended and welcomed in this pamphlet. But there are two areas where his argument needs further probing.</p>
<p>One of these relates to the assertion, which is never really backed up by a detailed argument, of a fundamental conflict between the market and democracy: ‘capitalism and democracy do not mix and instead have a zero-sum relationship – more market inevitably means less democracy’. It is true that in one sense deliberate, authoritative public action on the one hand, and the market on the other, represent alternative mechanisms for making decisions in society. Indeed, Lawson does not differ from many others, including right-wing theorists, who share this view of a conflict; they just come to different conclusions about which is preferable. Whereas the right argues that the market offers a far more subtle, responsive and effective mechanism for people to pursue their wants than political systems (of whatever kind) which are always captured by vested interests, Lawson claims that self-management and autonomy can only be realised through collective, democratic means.</p>
<p>However, as Lawson himself hints, it is the way these two are related and, fundamentally, the social and economic context within which both markets and democracy operate, which is the crucial issue. In a context in which massive accumulations of private wealth and power go unchallenged and unreformed, neither markets nor democracy, nor any mix of the two are likely to deliver progressive social(ist) outcomes.</p>
<p>This relates to a second problem – Lawson’s view of social democracy. At times in the pamphlet – in the section calling for greater economic democracy, say, or in stating that capitalism is democracy’s ‘nemesis’ – Lawson comes across as anti-capitalist. However, at other times he appears to be a much more conventional, old-style social democrat. He says that: ‘Social democrats have always recognised the important role of wealth creation and indeed the place for consumerism’, for example; and later that: ‘Market mechanisms do empower people by lowering costs and providing choice and diversity. In many ways markets can and do make our lives better and more rewarding. And in a global economy we do need to compete.’</p>
<p>If one makes a distinction between markets and capitalism, these statements might be acceptable – one might envisage markets operating in a radically different social system to capitalism and fulfilling some of these aims. However, Lawson makes no such distinction and uses the terms market and capitalism interchangeably. For Lawson, it may be that social democracy of the radically democratic model he argues for, equates to something fundamentally different from capitalism. However, he also acknowledges that ‘markets cannot address imbalances in power relationships – they simply allow effective choice within the context of a given power relationship…’. But he doesn’t propose any means of altering this context.</p>
<p>Maybe when he talks about ‘democratisation of the economy’ he means altering the given power relationships in society, but the case is not made explicitly. Nowhere, as far as I can see, are issues of wealth distribution, private ownership and control of the economy, nor the wealth inequalities they create, addressed explicitly.</p>
<p>While Lawson may be right to argue that the left has too often been concerned with the social or socialist side of social democracy, and not the democratic side, there are still important reasons why we need to maintain some of the core claims of the socialist case.</p>
<p><strong>Everyday democracy</strong></p>
<p>Tom Bentley’s pamphlet, <em>Everyday Democracy</em>, starts from a somewhat different position. He shares Lawson’s concern with the declining legitimacy of political institutions and the ‘crisis’ of democracy they claim is the result. However, he is less motivated by the specific problems and challenges this poses for the left. Indeed, despite its origins in the old Communist Party, Demos – the think tank that publishes Bentley’s pamphlet – is resolutely democratic, not social or socialist.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, Bentley shares Lawson’s concern for how ‘liberal democracy combined with market capitalism has reinforced the tendency of individuals to act in ways that reduce our ability to make collective choices.’ In the face of declining faith in party politics across Europe, declining turnout at elections, and a gulf between citizens and their leaders, Bentley argues that democratic choices must be re-connected to ‘people’s direct experience of everyday life and to extend democratic principles to everyday situations and organisations.’ Without this, he maintains, abandoning existing political institutions merely leaves bad politicians in place: ‘we get the politicians we deserve’.</p>
<p>As a result, Bentley is considerably less focussed on changing the central state and parliamentary system than Lawson. The emphasis on, and examples of the ‘everyday’ are a refreshing change from yet more worthy-but-uninspiring discussions of Westminster-focussed constitutional change. Valid though these may be, Bentley is surely right to point out that the problem goes deeper. Even in countries with elaborate PR systems such as Australia, apathy and cynicism reign, he argues. Bentley’s focus on the everyday seems more exciting and imaginative. He provides a series of examples, including ‘the democratic school community’, ‘a democratic media’, and even ‘the democratic family’.</p>
<p>This is not to say that Bentley neglects existing institutional structures. Indeed, he argues that ‘without institutions it becomes impossible to protect and create common social goods’. However, the challenge as he sees it is to combine organic, autonomous institutions with the exercise of public and state power. ‘For democracies to thrive,’ he asserts, ‘… we must stop discussing them as if “the public” could be herded back into a pen and convinced to follow the routines and obligations of a set of external institutions. Instead, the institutions must become endogenous – embedded in the fabric of everyday life.’</p>
<p>For all this imagination, however, Bentley, driven by his focus on the problems of democracy <em>per se</em>, has little more to offer than Lawson when it comes to the problems of private power. Like Lawson, Bentley sees a conflict between markets and public action, and suggests that the relentless championing of the market has done much to undermine the legitimacy of the public realm. Yet his claim that neither left nor right has found ‘a convincing account of how the public and private realms can be combined sustainably’ barely scratches the surface.</p>
<p><strong>Blind spot</strong></p>
<p>Both these pamphlets have much to add to debates on the left about how democratic renewal can feed into progressive social change. Both should be read as welcome contributions. Lawson’s perspective is far more closely tied to a specific political vision than Bentley’s – Bentley focuses on the process of democracy and how this can re-invigorate politics across the board, where Lawson is primarily concerned with the social democratic project.</p>
<p>However, while both are critical of the encroachment of markets on social life at the expense of democracy, neither really offers a convincing case for how radical democracy can be successfully combined with markets for progressive ends. Indeed, they share something of a blind spot over what might reasonably be seen as the most fundamental characteristic of capitalist economies – the vast social inequalities that they generate. Without a convincing account of how a project of democratic renewal can counter this, both essays remain important but partial contributions.</p>
<p><em>Dare More Democracy: from steam-age politics to democratic self-governance</em>, by Neal Lawson, is published by Compass: <a title="Compass" href="http://www.compassonline.org.uk" target="_blank">www.compassonline.org.uk</a>; <em>Everyday Democracy: why we get the politicians we deserve</em>, by Tom Bentley, is published by <a title="Demos" href="http://www.demos.co.uk/" target="_blank">Demos</a>.</p>
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		<title>Stepping stone or scam?</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/stepping-stone-or-scam/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/stepping-stone-or-scam/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2009 15:20:24 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=904</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[ANDY HANSFORD wonders whether foundation hospitals will be a fig leaf for privatisation of the NHS.
The Tories tried to reform the National Health Service by setting up an ‘internal market’. The result was a failure, with a massive increase in accountants to count debits and credits in a whole new layer of contracts. Services were [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>ANDY HANSFORD wonders whether foundation hospitals will be a fig leaf for privatisation of the NHS.</strong></p>
<p>The Tories tried to reform the National Health Service by setting up an ‘internal market’. The result was a failure, with a massive increase in accountants to count debits and credits in a whole new layer of contracts. Services were externalised and privatised.</p>
<p>In opposition, Labour understood this as an effort to break up the NHS by instituting a two-tier system, the last gasp of which was the fund-holding General Practitioner (GP). A victorious new Labour got shot of it. Incoming health secretary Frank Dobson’s grin was mirrored across the country. Blair’s promise at the door of number 10 was to govern as new Labour. So his government couldn’t just reverse Tory reforms, they had to have new reforms of their own. Their new ideas included retaining league tables, considered voter-friendly, as a prop for ‘standards’. However their new vision for the NHS – ‘a patient-centred’ NHS – is a demanding one, and it demands a clear split between purchasers of healthcare (now called commissioners) and providers of healthcare.</p>
<p><strong>Who pays, says</strong></p>
<p>For most of us, our Primary Care Trust (PCT) will be the most important moneybags in the local NHS, and it will buy services from our hospital and other primary care providers. We will also see ‘practitioner commissioning’ – which is a little bit like your GP holding the funds to pay for your healthcare.</p>
<p>This is said to be fair because, instead of power residing all the way over in Whitehall, your local healthcare economy will be run by local players: GPs, PCTs. You can choose your GP, at least in theory. And your PCT is governed by local notables who apply to the NHS Appointments Commission to serve as paid PCT trustees.</p>
<p>This gives local people the freedom to challenge NHS provision, at least on the commissioning side, which is different from the Department of Health exercising a monopoly on local decisions from Whitehall or its Leeds HQ.</p>
<p>As for the providers, can we have power over local health provision?</p>
<p>Foundation hospitals, or to be pedantic, NHS foundation trusts are a new type of public benefit corporation modelled on co-operative and mutual traditions. At the moment there are just 32; later this year there could be 90; by 2008, the government wants all acute NHS trusts to be in a position to apply for foundation trust (FT) status.</p>
<p>Foundation Trusts were created by the Health and Social Care (Community Health and Standards) Act 2003. The tag ‘foundation hospitals’ is not always accurate, as most trusts cover more than one hospital. Sheffield’s FT combines several hospitals. These organisations might employ 5-10,000 people and turn over about £250-500,000 per year.</p>
<p>However FTs, and trusts now applying for FT status, are massively varied in scale, kind and approach. Some are focused on particular medical specialisms which mean they are effectively almost national, and some are mental health trusts which are already deeply engaged with both their service users and local communities.</p>
<p>At the top of an FT’s decision-making structure is a chair and her (or his) board of directors. The board includes executive directors, including the chief executive and finance director, but the majority are non-executive directors who don’t work for the trust. Together the directors are fully responsible for the operations of the trust, and essentially set its strategic direction.</p>
<p>There is also a board of governors, chaired by the same person as the board of directors, which has some control over the directors – to approve the chief executive’s appointment, to elect the chair, to help select the directors, and to be consulted on strategic plans and direction. It also has responsibility for the members. The governors must include appointed representatives from the local council, the PCT, and the local voluntary sector. The others are elected by the foundation hospital’s members.</p>
<p>These members are recruited like the members of any co-op or mutual, and include hospital staff, patients and volunteers, as well as local residents. Some FTs automatically inscribe each new member of staff as a trust member unless they ‘opt out’; others require workers to ‘opt in’ if they want to join. This is partly why FTs can have anything from about 5,000 to more than 100,000 members. Voter turnout is usually higher in trusts with fewer members, and lower in the largest ones.</p>
<p>Outside the locality, there are plenty of other bodies the trust has to answer to. The Healthcare Commission is the national watchdog for quality and effectiveness throughout the NHS, but FTs also have their own regulator, called Monitor – <a title="Monitor" href="http://www.monitor.org.uk" target="_blank">www.monitor.org.uk</a> – a good place to start finding out about foundation status and regulation. One independent source is the respected health think-tank, the Kings Fund – <a title="The Kings Fund" href="http://www.kingsfund.org.uk" target="_blank">www.kingsfund.org.uk</a> – although it is beginning to enter into relationships with foundation trusts that will reduce its impartiality. Online publications include <em><a title="Health Service Journal" href="http://www.hsj.co.uk/" target="_blank">Health Service Journal</a></em>, and the <em><a title="British Medical Journal" href="http://www.bmj.com/" target="_blank">British Medical Journal</a></em>.</p>
<p><strong>Stakeholders</strong></p>
<p>In theory, all the stakeholders are engaged in a trust’s structure and the FT is able to achieve its objectives and discharge all its responsibilities. Like co-ops, an FT has members who can elect the next tier of power: the governors. Like plcs, it has executive directors and non-executive directors who are appointed and remunerated by its own search and remuneration committee, against job descriptions and person specifications which rule out most potential applicants: the technocrat layer. Like the public sector, it enjoys tacit values which it rarely makes open to analysis, and has arcane financial arrangements few comprehend.</p>
<p>The commissioners – GPs, PCTs – are represented through appointed governors and have the commercial power not to purchase the hospitals’ services. Other significant local stakeholders are all involved through the board of governors. This structure is intended to be fully accountable nationally and locally.</p>
<p>There is potential for the service to be run for its users’ needs, not for its providers’ convenience as is often the case with public sector provision for the poor, according to many critics of paternalism and welfare state Morrisonianism. What is being offered is the opportunity for local people, if all things go well, to influence the running of their healthcare services in a way not seen since before 1948. The creation of the NHS was not the beginning of time; prior to 1948 Britons formed health mutuals to protect themselves and, it was intended, the working class as a whole from the random tragedy of ill health.</p>
<p>That potential is the first point I wanted to make. My other two are not so complex.</p>
<p><strong>Winners and losers</strong></p>
<p>First, there seem to be people out there who are keen to ‘think the unthinkable’. Bill Moyes, chair of the regulator Monitor, argues that when an FT fails it should really fail. In other words, if an FT gets into financial trouble, it should really go bust.</p>
<p>It’s not just him. The Foundation Trusts Network, led by former Communist Sue Slipman, has its eyes on what happens if an FT is a runaway success, while around it are trusts that are not so good at serving the community. Surely, she argues, ‘lateral expansion’ should be possible; in other words, a good FT should be able to take over failing hospitals.</p>
<p>There appears to be some logic to these views until you consider the new financial and, frankly, commercial freedoms enjoyed by FTs but not by other acute hospitals. These include better powers to plan new hospital development, the ability to carry over any surpluses into the next financial year, and, particularly, the freedom to pay higher wages for in-demand specialist workers. Winners will be winners.</p>
<p><strong>Steps to a democratic NHS?</strong></p>
<p>Finally, there are wider lessons to learn from these reforms if they go right. What if this is the opportunity for pre-1948 levels of community control? What if FTs actually have the potential to enable radical democracy to encroach on the space left by a receding, centrally-planned public sector, run by itself to suit itself? What if this radical democratic progress slips the leash of the plc-like top layer, a potentially self-appointed board of directors, and starts to put elected governors forward as directors?</p>
<p>This has even been envisaged in some parts, and viewed as a potentially positive outcome. What if local people run local healthcare in their own interests, and start tackling a health inequalities agenda rather than just concentrating on sickness?</p>
<p>There are two major blindspots in this happy vision. At present, where elected governors have sought to join the board of directors, they have not yet succeeded. There is no programme of training for governors, and critics who look at the plc sector point out that directors there are bought in, not home-grown. Also, at present, the powers of the boards of governors seem severely curtailed.</p>
<p>Of course, the British working class has a strong tradition of growing its own local and national leaders. Maybe we can look at training future potential governors of our own. Co-ops can show us how.</p>
<p>The vested interests and the community interest are huge in the healthcare economy. There is much to play for, and signs that there might be some proper democracy and genuine community control, although friends of the two-tier NHS are also lining up to seize their opportunity. What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. The fight is on for democracy and the values of the NHS.</p>
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		<title>The case against social enterprise</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/the-case-against-social-enterprise/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/03/15/the-case-against-social-enterprise/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2009 15:10:53 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Public services]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=901</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The headlong rush towards social enterprise could undermine any prospects of a genuine social economy, says STEVE SCHOFIELD
Social enterprise is very much the flavour of the month, or even, possibly, the next big thing. Its proponents put forward an ambitious agenda of creating jobs, providing training and developing local services in areas of serious and [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>The headlong rush towards social enterprise could undermine any prospects of a genuine social economy, says STEVE SCHOFIELD</strong></p>
<p>Social enterprise is very much the flavour of the month, or even, possibly, the next big thing. Its proponents put forward an ambitious agenda of creating jobs, providing training and developing local services in areas of serious and long-standing deprivation, while holding out the prospect of financial viability rather than grant dependency.</p>
<p>According to Jonathan Bland, chief executive of the Social Enterprise Coalition, interviewed in the Observer in 2004: ‘… we want to establish the building blocks for social enterprise so that in 20 years time, the coalition will sit alongside the TUC and the CBI. It will be that central to the country.’</p>
<p>Allowing for a smidgen of hyperbole, there is no doubt that the momentum around social enterprise has accelerated. Central government, through the Department of Trade and Industry’s Small Business Service (SBS), has set up a Social Enterprise Unit (SEU) which recently concluded a major research project on the scale of the social economy in England and Wales as the basis for targeted support. Each of the Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) has a similar support structure and no self-respecting local authority would be seen dead these days without at least one Social Enterprise Advisor.</p>
<p>Why has this interest in social enterprise taken off in this way and what are the implications for poorer communities and their local economies which are supposed to be the main beneficiaries? I want to tease out some of the difficulties and inconsistencies in the definition of social enterprise before critically analysing the model as a significant contribution to regeneration.</p>
<p>Social enterprise, as presently constituted, is a catch-all phrase that masks serious problems including ones of scale, significance to the local economy, ambiguity as to social versus private purpose, and the tensions between trading for profit and providing a local service for disadvantaged communities. Little consideration is given to how the overarching context of privatisation and marketisation in public provision impacts on the prospects for radical alternative models of the social economy.</p>
<p><strong>Definitions</strong></p>
<p>As John Pearce, one of the leading thinkers on social enterprise, argued in <em>Understanding Social Enterpris</em>e, published by the Centre for Local Economic Strategies in 2004: ‘It is essential to have a clear, unambiguous, definition of social enterprise that allows society to know, not only when an organisation is a social enterprise, but also when it is not.’</p>
<p>For him there were six defining characteristics that distinguish social enterprises:</p>
<ol>
<li>a social purpose</li>
<li>engaging in trade</li>
<li>no private profit distribution</li>
<li>holding assets for community benefit</li>
<li>a democratic structure</li>
<li>accountability to stakeholders.</li>
</ol>
<p>But this emphasis on social purpose above profit is not universally shared. In <em>Introducing Social Enterpris</em>e, published by Social Enterprise London (SEL) in 1999, social enterprises are portrayed as essentially part of the private sector:</p>
<p>‘Social enterprises are competitive businesses, owned and trading for a social purpose. They seek to succeed as businesses by establishing a market share and making a profit. Social enterprises combine the need to be successful businesses with social aims. They emphasise the long-term benefits for employees, consumers and the community.’</p>
<p>Similarly, the DTI argued in its 2003 report, <em>Enterprise for Communities</em>, that: ‘Social enterprises, large and small, bring together the expertise and dedication of the voluntary sector with the flair and flexibility of the commercial world.’</p>
<p>Clearly, there is considerable scope for differing interpretations of what constitutes a social enterprise. For Pearce, and many others whose roots are in the voluntary sector and the co-operative movement,social enterprise represents a radically different model – a vision of the way people and organisations might work together for the common good through democratic organisations without relying on profit as traditionally perceived. Others see social enterprise as a way of maintaining social purposes through normal market mechanisms of profit.</p>
<p><strong>Exciting alternatives</strong></p>
<p>Given these different perspectives it is worth reflecting on who or what were the main drivers of social enterprise – the key people and organisations that influenced policy. As early as 1997, with the election of the first new Labour government, a stream of papers was produced by think tanks such as Demos, the Institute of Public Policy Research and the New Economics Foundation that promoted social enterprise as an exciting alternative for social provision, particularly in poorer communities. Perhaps one of the most influential was Charlie Leadbetter’s 1997 paper for Demos, <em>The Rise of the Social Entrepreneur</em>, which focused on: ‘… visionary individuals … creating innovative forms of active welfare, health care and housing which are both cheaper and more effective than the traditional services provided by government.’</p>
<p>Such ideas were very much influenced by social entrepreneurship in the United States that revolved around dynamic self-starters, backed by philanthropic supporters who stimulated social enterprises in deprived areas – a sort of heroic ‘ideal type’ that could be transported back across the Atlantic to break through the shackles of hidebound, unimaginative bureaucracies in the public sector. For a government committed to a general culture of support for enterprise and ‘third way’ alternatives to the provision of mainstream services, this held many attractions.</p>
<p>The role of regeneration funding was also significant – specifically European Regional Development Funds (ERDF) – which, during the late 1990s, began to prioritise what was defined as community economic development. The work of Professor Peter Lloyd from Liverpool University was influential here. He wrote several reports for the European Commission highlighting an underlying concern that many previous regeneration programmes had been infrastructure-driven; in other words, they were big capital-building projects that had not directly benefited the most economically disadvantaged groups such as the long-term unemployed. Different forms of regeneration support were required to stimulate new services and local employment both in and for deprived areas.</p>
<p>Recognising that serious barriers existed, such as a low skills base in those areas, the emphasis was very much on capacity building and training, to move people towards a position where they could create new enterprises that satisfied real needs in their communities and provided good jobs, skills and wages. The benefits of these measures, it was said, would include a higher local multiplier effect than other regeneration programmes because a greater proportion of income would be spent by local people in their communities, so contributing to longer-term development and sustainability. This approach gained significant and rapid support through European Union institutions as community economic development became a major funding programme under ERDF Objective 2, Priority 3 measures.</p>
<p>Other support for social enterprise is now in place. The government’s Phoenix Fund was set up by the DTI to stimulate new businesses, including social enterprises in deprived areas. There were also tax concessions for investors in social enterprises, and a new legal structure, the community interest company (CIC), that makes it easier to start up, while having special features to ensure profits and assets are used for community benefits.</p>
<p>Clearly there has been a powerful political impetus behind social enterprise, but mainly this has come from the top down, rather than the bottom up. In other words, there has been little organic development that builds on local organisations’ experiences of service delivery, or of strong traditional models such as workers’ co-operatives. Rather, the main drivers have been a core group of Blairite think tanks married to influential networks of support agencies such as Social Enterprise London. These looked to external models of social entrepreneurship, ones not necessarily representative or transferable, but which chimed with the Blair government&#8217;s broader objectives to shape alternative provision of public services and build an entrepreneurial culture.</p>
<p>That is not to say that such local organisations did not exist. There was a legacy of co-operatives and voluntary organisations in the UK that married social provision with successful trading operations, and these were cited as potential enterprises. But the over-riding impression is of a bandwagoning effect in response to the government’s assertion that a ‘third way’ could, indeed, must be found for public provision.</p>
<p>With regeneration funding, such as ERDF, available, the government and key advocates insisting on social enterprise as the wave of the future, and an extensive support network of agencies being set up, it is not surprising that many organisations, particularly in the voluntary and community sector, looked to rebrand themselves as social enterprises in order to gain access to funding and institutional support.</p>
<p><strong>Practical terms</strong></p>
<p>What are social enterprises in practical terms? That is, in which areas of economic and social activity are they involved, what is their scale and their importance within the overall economy? The following list is not meant to be exhaustive but gives some flavour of the range of activities social enterprises are involved in:</p>
<ul>
<li>social care / child care / health care</li>
<li>community arts</li>
<li>sports / recreation facilities</li>
<li>community transport</li>
<li>recycling / renewable energy / environmental improvement</li>
<li>community cafes / shops</li>
<li>social housing / insulation and repair</li>
<li>ILM organisations / training / managed workspace.</li>
</ul>
<p>As mentioned earlier, the DTI commissioned national research which was published in 2005 as <em>A Survey of Social Enterprises</em> across the UK by the Small Business Service. Previously, there had been widely different estimates of the number and scale of social enterprises, but this report, based on a nationwide telephone survey, suggested 15,000 organisations could be classified as social enterprises in the UK – 1.2 per cent of all enterprises, employing 475,000 people and generating £18 billion turnover, of which £14.8 billion was from trading activities.</p>
<p>Predominantly these were service-based, with a third of them involved in health and social care. In fact, much of the trading activity appears to be associated with public sector delivery, including health care, social care, childcare and training. This raises questions about whether the services are funded through contracts with public bodies, or from income raised or earned from other sources, especially as many of the services were offered free or at low cost to recipients.</p>
<p>Half of the enterprises had only 10 employees or fewer, and only two per cent had 250 or more. Quite how sustainable some of these organisations are is open to question since no assessment was made of their financial viability nor of the attrition rates of failed social enterprises.</p>
<p>Where information is readily available it tends to be on the larger and higher profile organisations. The box on page 12 summarises some of these enterprises, illustrating how, although they have evolved from a variety of backgrounds, including local authorities and community and voluntary organisations, they share the general aim of moving from grant-dependency to financial independence while maintaining their commitment to social purposes.</p>
<p>However, the expansion of these enterprises has depended to a large extent on public procurement, work secured either through contracts for training or for delivering services for central government, local authorities and other public agencies. While these organisations would stress the innovative character of their work compared to mainstream agencies, the fact remains they are part of public sector provision.</p>
<p>Another facet that deserves some comment is how many of the enterprises display some characteristics of traditional co-operatives, yet the term is hardly ever used – presumably because of its associations with old Labour, and because of the Blairite emphasis on entrepreneurial innovation rather than democratic accountability.</p>
<p>In contrast to the limited number of leading social enterprises, there are a far larger number of smaller social enterprises about which information is still patchy, despite this new research. Issues here include the balance between social and economic activity; the proportion of trading against other forms of activity; and the relationship between grant and trading income – hence the use of the term ‘hybrid social enterprise’ to identify some of these possible tensions.</p>
<p>So, despite the general perception of rapid growth in social enterprise activity, serious questions remain over their real significance both to the overall economy and to the areas of social deprivation they serve, even taking into account social audits that attempt to gauge wider community benefits.</p>
<p><strong>The future</strong></p>
<p>For proponents, the success of the larger scale organisations proves how effective social enterprises can be. For them, the major issue now is to build on this growth by opening up public procurement on a wider scale, especially in major institutions such as local authorities and the NHS, organisations responsible for billions of pounds worth of contracts but which are criticised for being reluctant to look beyond their mainly private sector suppliers because of (unwarranted) concerns that social enterprises lack financial viability and scale.</p>
<p>A fundamental, but generally unacknowledged, question is how social enterprises are expected to operate in the context of the privatisation of public services and the marketisation of activities within the remaining public sector. With central government introducing what is effectively a sea-change in the structure of public services that automatically favours private industry over the public sector – such as the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), and two-tier systems such as foundation hospitals and academy schools that abandon equity of provision – it is difficult to see how social enterprises can address issues of social purpose unless they first satisfy criteria of financial viability, efficiency and profitability in similar ways to the private sector.</p>
<p>This could seriously alter existing consensual and sympathetic relationships between the public sector and not-for-private profit service providers. Logically, it could also mean private sector companies encroach into areas of service previously delivered by the voluntary and community sector.</p>
<p>For small-scale organisations in the voluntary and community sector that serve a particular group or community those same market values and entrepreneurship are being emphasised above social purpose and democractic accountability. Much is made of moving from grant dependency to financial self-sufficiency and, if possible, to a trading profit. But the vast majority of these organisations do not trade in any recognisable form or, if they do, their trading activities are small or relate to work with some of the poorest members of the community. When organisations work with vulnerable and marginalised groups, is it acceptable to generate a financial surplus in this way, even if it were possible?</p>
<p>The answer to that question is a simple ‘no’, and the logical conclusion is that the vast majority of voluntary and community organisations are not social enterprises and should never be constituted as social enterprises. (Conversely, the pressure on the social enterprise agency network to achieve targets could lead to some highly dubious classifications; for example, when sole traders are given support as social enterprises if they can make any sort of case that their trading has social value.)</p>
<p>In the context of marketisation, it becomes increasingly easy to create a climate where voluntary and community groups feel compelled to move to a social enterprise structure for opportunistic reasons, and then can easily be blamed for not showing sufficient ‘entrepreneurial spirit’ if they run into difficulties. The real issue is having consistent and stable funding in order to provide a good service.</p>
<p><strong>Alternative models</strong></p>
<p>It is worth referring back to the original vision of a social economy that Pearce and many others from the co-operative movement put forward. For them it was a radical one that would create an alternative to globalisation based on a range of local services, including food, energy, housing, transport, and so on, supported by credit unions for local finance, possibly through alternative currencies, and Local Exchange and Trading Schemes (LETs). However utopian it might sound in the present political climate, the fact that social provision was the absolute priority signposted how the social economy should evolve.</p>
<p>Under a more supportive political framework it might also be possible to look for other alternatives that echo radical ideas from the 1970s around democratic ownership and real economic power. Locally Owned Public Enterprises (LOPE), for example, are one possibility – organisations locally owned through municipal or community structures with substantial financial backing, clearly accountable to representative public bodies, and providing core or essential tradable services to their communities. Such structures would run directly against the grain of privatisation because they would actively seek to bring back into local public ownership services such as water and public transport while supporting an expansion of public enterprise into new areas of technology, including community-based renewable energy systems to satisfy a large proportion of our energy needs.</p>
<p>LOPEs would work to a public service ethos and have long-term contractual relationships with municipal authorities which incorporated social goals such as training and employing marginalised groups, but would also retain flexibility in how they delivered services (hence retaining the term enterprise in the context of public provision).</p>
<p>Clearly, these notions are not on the political agenda at the moment and are unlikely to be so, but they do seem to be much more in tune with the original vision of a social economy. They also raise serious but practical issues around ownership structures, funding and financial resources for municipal authorities independent of central government control, training public enterprise managers, and accountability to local communities.</p>
<p><strong>Solid citizens</strong></p>
<p>What we need right now is not the heroic entrepreneurial individual who performs miracles on a shoestring budget and against insurmountable odds but a cadre of solid citizens, well-educated public servants who could run important, properly funded local public enterprises efficiently and with a public sector ethos. There would still be scope for social enterprises in other areas under a strict interpretation of what constitutes a CIC. However, a clear distinction needs to be drawn between these and the broader voluntary and community sector that works with marginalised groups and has no substantial trading activities.</p>
<p>Prospects for radical policies may seem so far off the political radar as to be invisible, but we desperately need a real debate about the meaning and structure of the dominant model of the social economy emerging through the social enterprise movement, and about possible alternatives, because there has never been a time when local communities have had less control over the economic decisions which impact on their quality of life.</p>
<p>Over the years, with the privatisation of key services, the erosion of local municipal power, and the acceleration of market principles into the public sector, real economic power has moved into the private sector or to unaccountable quangos. Even the Post Office, nominally in the public sector, now operates on the basis of individual profit centres, and has so abandoned the concept of social purpose that local post offices can be closed down on the grounds of efficiency as management seeks to capitalise on property assets.</p>
<p>There are real dangers in the headlong rush towards social enterprise that could actually damage the capacity of the voluntary and community sector to work with disadvantaged communities while undermining the vision of a social economy as a radical alternative to present trends towards privatisation, marketisation and globalisation.  As things stand, the Social Enterprise Coalition may well be significant in 20 years time, not for sitting alongside the TUC and CBI, but as a subsidiary of the latter.</p>
<p>Dr Steven Schofield is a freelance researcher based in Bradford. This article was originally published in the <em>Journal of Co-operative Studies</em>, volume 38:3 (no. 115) December 2005. Email: coop_studs@fastmail.fm</p>
<h3><strong>Leading social enterprises</strong></h3>
<p><strong>Wise group</strong></p>
<p>Established in Glasgow in the 1980s to help long-term unemployed back into work through construction and environmental projects, the Wise Group has expanded into a training organisation employing 350 staff in Scotland and the north east. Funded by the European Union, local authorities, local businesses and central government.</p>
<p><strong>Create</strong></p>
<p>Established in Liverpool in 1996, Create describes itself as a social business providing training and work opportunities, mainly for people from Speke and Garston, by recycling used electrical products and selling them to low income households. It had a turnover of £1 million in 2004, 55 per cent from sales, 42 per cent from training contracts, and only 3 per cent from grants. It has 26 full-time staff and 50 on short-term contracts.</p>
<p><strong>Greenwich Leisure Limited</strong></p>
<p>In 1993 Greenwich Council was looking for a not-for-profit solution to government cutbacks to gain access to external funds not available to the local authority. Greenwich Leisure Limited was set up as an Industrial and Provident Society and has expanded significantly through contracts with other boroughs in London and the south east providing municipal leisure services. It now has more than 800 full-time staff, 2,000 part-time, and a turnover of £35 million.</p>
<p><strong>Hackney Community Transport</strong></p>
<p>Established in 1983 offering a community bus service, Hackney Community Transport has become a mainstream service under contract to London Transport. It now runs three bus services and a range of other community transport projects. It employs 320 people and grant income has declined from 70 per cent to less than 3 per cent.</p>
<p><strong>EAGA Partnership</strong></p>
<p>The EAGA Partnership was established in Newcastle in the early 1990s to provide loft insulation to low-income households. It now runs the government’s warm front scheme that offers grants to low-income families. EAGA employs more than 700 people to instal insulation and central heating and has a turnover of £250 million.</p>
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		<title>A Hill of beans?</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/01/22/a-hill-of-beans/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/01/22/a-hill-of-beans/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 22 Jan 2009 16:02:34 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=1114</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[BARRY WINTER reviews Anti-Capitalism: The social economy alternative, by Chris Hill, and considers the role of the social economy in creating change, as well as sustaining socialism.
This is an intriguing book. Written and, indeed, published by a former, long-standing member of Militant and, at the time of writing, a member of one of its offspring, [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>BARRY WINTER reviews <em>Anti-Capitalism: The social economy alternative</em></strong><strong>, by Chris Hill, and considers the role of the social economy in creating change, as well as sustaining socialism.</strong></p>
<p>This is an intriguing book. Written and, indeed, published by a former, long-standing member of Militant and, at the time of writing, a member of one of its offspring, the Socialist Party, its ambition is to tackle many of the hard questions confronting the left today. What particularly attracted me was the promise in the subtitle, ‘The Social Economy Alternative’.</p>
<p>Of necessity, the history of socialism is littered with attempts to transcend periods of decline in its fortunes, to find creative ways forward in hard times. This account follows that well-trodden path. As before, the challenge is how to retain those understandings and experiences that remain relevant while responding imaginatively to what’s new. This raises the tricky question of what ideas to jettison in the process, something that is fraught with dangers. Accusations of heresy and betrayal regularly follow such efforts (and, in some cases, they may be appropriate).</p>
<p>That is what makes Chris Hill’s single-handed attempt a brave and worthy one. Not content simply to wait for better days, for an up-turn in the ‘class struggle’ of the ‘it-must-come-soon-comrade’ school of unthinking, Hill recognises that socialists today face many formidable challenges. He makes a serious and strenuous attempt to look at some of them. I don’t think that he succeeds, however, partly because it is not easy for anyone to tackle these issues but also because he is too weighed down with his old political baggage to travel very far. The distance that he has moved, however, could mean he has already gone too far for the far left.</p>
<p>Hill is seeking to incorporate into his model of a new society forms of alternative economics based upon co-operatives and collective self-help. Unlike others from his political tradition, he does not airily dismiss these ideas. Instead, he looks at them in some detail, combining this with an honest attempt to pinpoint the failings of Soviet-style central planning.</p>
<p>For this reason, I think that it is useful to examine his main arguments, and to identify its more positive elements, rather than simply focus on its shortcomings. In certain respects his work parallels ideas that the ILP has been developing in recent years, although there remain major underlying differences too.</p>
<h4><strong>Standard fare</strong></h4>
<p>Hill’s starting point is the standard fare of the far left which, having written off the Labour Party as having no progressive role, sees hope coming from elsewhere. While identifying the decline in the left’s fortunes, Hill sees great promise in the emergence of the anti-capitalist movement. However, like others on the left, he also recognises that this movement is unimpressed with socialism. So, for him, the question becomes how to win these social forces to socialism. The faith once placed in transforming the Labour Party into a vehicle for socialism is transferred to a new generation of anti-capitalist activists. He says they must be won both to the notion of “what socialism means in a modern context” and to a new political party that can further these aims.</p>
<p>His approach has much in common with many contemporary radicals, including George Monbiot, who say that, because the Labour Party is fundamentally tied to global capitalism, a space has opened up for an alliance of anti-capitalist activists and groups. This is not the place to review these arguments but they do merit further consideration, not least because many socialists are pinning their hopes on them.</p>
<p>Hill’s particular account consists of five linked arguments. He provides:</p>
<ul>
<li>a critical review of global capitalism, corporate power and finance, and the massive social costs involved</li>
<li>a broad assessment of the “failure of central planning” and why “the allocation economy is unworkable”</li>
<li>a largely sympathetic consideration of the contribution of green economics to socialist ideas</li>
<li>an outline of a future socialist economy, including the role of state ownership, currency and trade controls, co-operatives, private enterprise and the role of the market</li>
<li>a consideration of the prospects of the left.</li>
</ul>
<p>As an economist, Hill seems most at home when discussing the economic aspects of his analysis. He acknowledges that capitalism is a “tremendously innovative system that destroys to create”, that it “has become a form of ordered chaos … manipulated by huge sophisticated organisations”. Yet today’s capitalists are “as helpless as their forebears in determining what the outcomes of the system are”. He also argues that the world financial markets are little more than casinos. Like others, Hill accuses the big corporations and financial institutions of controlling much of our lives, arguing that they exercise that control without reference to the people affected by their decisions.</p>
<p>An indication of Hill’s open thinking is the welcome he gives to the idea of the Tobin tax, the proposals to place a levy on short-term, international currency deals. He says that while this does nothing to change the capitalist logic of currency exchange it “would reduce speculation and raise considerable revenues”.</p>
<p>When looking at the socialist alternative to capitalism, the centrally planned economy, Hill pulls no punches: “I hope to show that the task of modern day socialists it to socialise the market not create a democratic system of allocation.” His argument is that there is a stark choice about producing goods: either a factory operates by being told what quantity and type of product to make and where to send the finished items, or it works within some kind of market. With markets, the enterprise makes decisions about what to produce, what materials to buy, and what to sell in response to people’s wants.</p>
<p>With central planning, he argues, decisions are made independent of the enterprises. Taking the Soviet system as an example, he notes that an estimated 3,000 million planning indicators existed at any one time. The result was massive inefficiency with no incentive to produce goods of quality or to maintain standards. Instead there was colossal underemployment of workers and enormous waste.</p>
<p>While he is ready to accept that introducing workers’ control and freedom to criticise would have removed the system’s worst excesses, “the central failure would remain that central planning removes the whip of the market and takes decision making powers away from those directly involved in production”. In short, there is no incentive to “do a good job”. These characteristics, he argues, can also be found closer to home – in the hierarchically organised public and private monopolies. The result is management empire building, bureaucratic arrogance and inefficiency.</p>
<p>To those who argue that greater consumer control could be introduced into a non-market economy, he says that while this too might help, it does not avoid the central dilemma. “Either a product or service is sold to those who want to buy it in competition with others, thereby ensuring sensitivity to customers’ demands, or there is no market and sales are guaranteed with all the arrogance that monopoly entails.”</p>
<p>Hill’s argument is that an economy can be socially owned and directed and no longer ruled by the profit system, but it remains a market system. “[I]f money exists, goods are priced, and there is freedom to establish a business, then a market economy exists.” He acknowledges that tensions will exist in any synthesis between the disciplines of market and social interests of a planning system. They can best be dealt with, he says, by ensuring that the interests of the state, the workforce and consumers are properly represented in the process.</p>
<h4><strong>Green ideas</strong></h4>
<p>Hill is at pains to understand the ideas emerging from the green movement, which he says, perhaps rather optimistically, are becoming the common sense of the age. For him, the recurring contradiction of green politics is that it side-steps the dilemmas of the free market, with the result that its alternatives become either utopian or simply about lifestyles.</p>
<p>While the greens see a loss of individual or community control to big business and central government, he feels that they avoid issues of power. Instead of facing entrenched power structures, which they often see as unchangeable, they prefer to work from the bottom up, Hill argues. Their pessimism about large-scale social change leads them towards wanting “to build an economy within an economy”.</p>
<p><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> </span></p>
<p>As he puts it: “Of course, something can be done this side of the revolution.” He recognises that there are many ways of organising that can make a difference. What is less clear, however, is the extent to which he thinks that this ’difference’ really amounts to little more than a ‘hill of beans’. <strong> </strong></p>
<p><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> </span></p>
<p>That does not stop him from carefully examining the social economy alternatives in some detail: in particular the value of local currencies, LETS, local savings for local development, credit unions as providers of cheap credit, and various forms of co-operatives.</p>
<p>One example of local currency that he examines was in the inter-war years in the small Austrian town of Wogl, which had a population of 50,000. The use of stamp money by the local authority over a 12-month period reduced unemployment from 35 per cent to almost nothing. Before the state banned local currencies, all the housing in the town had been repainted, the streets had been extensively re-paved, local forests replanted and a bridge built.</p>
<p>Hill also examines member-controlled local savings banks, noting that one in four people in the US belong to a credit union. In Ireland half the population are involved and these banks provide services “as efficient as high street banks while charging low interest on loans, lending to people who are turned away by banks and using the savings for the benefit of the community”.</p>
<p>Hill cites the interesting example of the radical South Shore Bank which operates in an area of serious economic decline in Chicago. Actively promoting business loans linked to financial advice, the bank targeted owners who wanted to refurbish their flats. As a result, 9,000 flats have been improved in 20 years and the bank has pumped over US$40 million loans into the area. He notes that the directors recognise the limits of their efforts, that when it comes to creating jobs they acknowledge the need for external financial support.</p>
<p>Hill also considers <em>Short Circuit</em>, a study of a small town north of Brisbane, Australia, written by Richard Braithwaite. A once declining farming community now has a large credit union which has helped to fund 30 new businesses. Aided by the state government, an old creamery was converted into a base for small businesses. This houses 18 co-operatives, including a radio station, food producers and retail outlets, as well as a well-supported LETS scheme.</p>
<p>While Hill is clearly impressed by these kinds of developments, he refuses to be starry-eyed. As he argues: “Any form of self help and activism should be supported, but that does not mean turning self-help into a strategy for political transformation.“ He says that it would be “perversely optimistic” to consider that local currencies and LETS could counter powerful capitalist forces. Instead, he says (echoing his particular brand of Marxism) that in a period of depression, he would want them “to be part of much more radical measures”.</p>
<h4><strong>Woolly thinking</strong></h4>
<p>Clearly, Hill wants to counter any woolly thinking in the green movement about the role of alternative economics in the process of social change, particularly its preference for shying away from some of the big issues. He thinks co-operatives can only be part of a transforming strategy, which I think is reasonable. But then he argues: “Like so much green economics they would form part of the solution <em>once</em> the ‘big economics’ is sorted out.” (My emphasis)</p>
<p>In other words, he seems to saying first take command of the economy, then you can effectively engage in local economic strategies. Of course, a socialist society of the type he envisages could provide a far more supportive framework for local economic initiatives than capitalism. What Hill misses, however, is a golden opportunity to develop the argument <em>politically</em> as well as economically.</p>
<p>He does not envisage the political difference that networks of self-help initiatives could make in laying the basis for radical social change. He doesn’t see that it is from the energies, activities and networks of people at local levels that a movement for change can be constructed; that these activities could provide much-needed self-confidence, training, knowledge and experience which large numbers of people need to re-engage in politics.</p>
<p>In other words, a democratic, do-it-yourself culture, based on lived experience, could provide the foundation for constructing a new society. People will find out what works and what does not. And, hopefully, they will accumulate the understanding necessary to learn from experience, by debating their successes and failures.</p>
<p>Hill is on solid ground when he argues that we need to see the bigger picture in relation to capitalism and the economy. His argument that major aspects of industry and finance need to be democratically socialised is, I think, basically sound. Recognising that “total state control is to be avoided”, he nonetheless argues that the “socialisation of major companies should be the cornerstone of any new movement”.</p>
<p>But the ability to take greater economic control becomes far more powerful and persuasive when people can see from experience the ways that capitalism acts as a fetter on their endeavours. Otherwise calling for socialisation of the major companies tends to become an empty political slogan, completely dependent upon Hill’s anticipated economic depression for any real progress to be made.</p>
<p>Hill takes comfort from “the thousands of green activists who have a more fundamental view of capitalism”. He imagines a continuous process of realignment on the left/green axis. But quite how he intends to woo the greens is unclear. Putting it rather crudely, is this realignment going to be based on the left giving the greens the ‘right message’ – on propaganda alone – or is it going to be based on speaking to people’s experiences as they seek to implement locally-based strategies?</p>
<p>If the latter, then the role of the left might be to suggest what policies could help and to generalise the experiences, to argue that a process of expanding democratisation is crucial to maintaining progress. It is about making the links, but cannot be about luring people away from such activities, urging them to concentrate instead on the broader political project. Equally important, these initiatives can encourage people in wider society to participate, or at least to see that there is something of value in what is being done, that there are alternatives to the ‘free market’, that such efforts deserve support.</p>
<h4><strong>Here and now</strong></h4>
<p>Once you accept that local alternatives can be valuable in the here and now, rather than ‘after the revolution’, then the important question is what can we start asking of local government, the state and other institutions to develop and strengthen these processes? In particular, what is it reasonable to ask of Labour governments? How can they provide a framework for – and support, materially – local renewal?</p>
<p>The Australian example shows that there is a crucial role for ‘outside’ bodies in providing help. There are policies which can facilitate these processes, and forms of funding that can make a major difference to their chances of success. Naturally, working with the state and its agencies entails risks. The key is to insist on democratic accountability in whatever arrangements are made.</p>
<p>Yet on this Hill is silent. Indeed, this is the point where our paths most clearly diverge. He does go into detail, much of it interesting and useful, when considering the outlines of a socialist economy. He challenges traditional left thinking about planning and markets. The wealth of ideas that he offers here are, however, in stark contrast with the absence of a clear-cut strategy to achieve them. He examines co-operatives in Spain and in Japan which demonstrate their creative potential. He states that worker- and user-controlled co-operatives will form an essential part of a democratic socialist economy. Yet, until the class war has been ‘won’, until his ‘revolution’, they are effectively placed on the back burner.</p>
<p>Sadly, it is the political hack who comes to the fore. There will be a ‘day one’ of the revolution, he says, when the grip of the free market will be broken. Forgetting what he wrote earlier about the Tobin tax, he dismisses piecemeal reforms before the big day as being only an irritant to the capitalist system. His revolution is more an event than a complex process.</p>
<p>Unable to integrate his ideas about alternative economics into his political perspectives, Hill ends up subordinating the former to the latter. In so doing, he leaves a huge hole to be filled between the present and his future society. His answer is to plug it with a new socialist party.</p>
<p>Interestingly, he indicates that he is very weary of sectarianism on the left and hopes for a more open and honest way of proceeding in order to build this party. Here he has my sympathies but not my company.</p>
<p>He argues: “A new workers’ party with a left wing programme is needed to engage people – not those touched by direct action, but the population at large.” Such a party will support direct action but also be engaged in electoral politics to register its growing support. It cannot resemble “the small, centralised and sectarian caricatures of the past”. This must be a new mass party in which people with his outlook provide its revolutionary rather than its reformist wing.</p>
<p>Thus, he not only reinvents the Labour Party but he also sees his fellow thinkers as providing its left wing. He wants to build a new party in which the left has a better chance of winning this time round, a somewhat circuitous route to socialism!</p>
<p>This means that the many insights to be found in his account in relation to alternative economics become trapped by a convoluted political strategy. It seems that he wants to repeat history, to fight old battles in a new party. Being on the left is never easy, but being on the left with this kind of perspective seems to be particularly burdensome.</p>
<p>My hope is that he can find a way out of this political maze, that he can jettison yet more of his ideological baggage. It would be mutually beneficial to be able to share the journey with him.</p>
<p><em>Anti-Capitalism: The social economy alternative</em>, by Chris Hill, is published by Spokesman (2002), priced £15.</p>
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		<title>A fig leaf for privatisation</title>
		<link>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/01/22/a-fig-leaf-for-privatisation/</link>
		<comments>http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/2009/01/22/a-fig-leaf-for-privatisation/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 22 Jan 2009 13:36:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Matthew Brown</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Articles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democratic Socialist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Co-operatives and mutuality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.independentlabour.org.uk/main/?p=1065</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[PATRICK GRAY argues that the Co-operative Party has been fooled into supporting foundation hospitals.
I fear that cooperators will come to regret that the Co-operative  Party has been fooled into lending respectability to the government’s wrong-headed plans for foundation hospitals.
The will o’ the wisp promise of community control is completely meaningless. Mutuality may well be applicable [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>PATRICK GRAY argues that the Co-operative Party has been fooled into supporting foundation hospitals.</strong></p>
<p>I fear that cooperators will come to regret that the Co-operative  Party has been fooled into lending respectability to the government’s wrong-headed plans for foundation hospitals.</p>
<p>The will o’ the wisp promise of community control is completely meaningless. Mutuality may well be applicable to primary care, where a well-defined user group exists, but this proposal is not addressed to primary care. It is aimed at precisely those hospitals which in five or ten years time will be most attractive to American health corporations and the people who destroyed the building society movement.</p>
<p>Many of the hospital trusts are already heavily overspent. What will happen to foundation hospitals when they face bankruptcy? It isn’t hard to guess!</p>
<p>The ambiguity is no coincidence. The Institute of Directors, recently described in the <em>Financial Times</em> as “Britain’s leading right wing pressure group”, and a relentless critic of public provision and employment rights, has recently decided that abrasive attacks on the Labour Party are no longer productive (<em>Financial Times</em>, 28 October 2003). Switching to a softly, softly approach, it has seized on the notion of mutuality as a convenient fig leaf for dismantling the welfare state.</p>
<p>Anyone who doubts this should skip the summaries published on various occasions in <em>Co-operative News</em> and read the full text of the IoD’s research paper on the NHS (reprinted July 2003), where its plans for the future of health care are set out for all to see.</p>
<p>In reality, the NHS serves our members very well. A recent study by the World Health Organisation (WHO) ranked it among the four best health services in the world. It costs far less per head than the systems in the USA or Germany, and yet people in the UK live longer than in either of these countries.</p>
<p>Of special importance to us as co-operators, it has proved particularly good at directing care to those most in need, which is one reason why we live longer than Americans despite the huge expenditure in the USA on high-tech medical machinery and drugs.</p>
<p>The IoD paper simply ignores these achievements. It makes no attempt to discuss the cost of NHS care or its results in terms of the length and quality of life. Instead, in a classic right-wing fantasy, it conjures up a vision of an imaginary world where almost everywhere, including Brazil and the USA (and Britain before 1947), “local people are beavering away to help their neighbours by running the local hospital”, while people in the NHS are infected by “corrosive cynicism”.</p>
<p>The problems faced by other systems. The dedication of NHS staff and their record of service, and the need for more resources are largely or completely ignored. Instead, from a jumble of bureaucratic detail, anecdotes and sneers, the paper arrives at the predictable conclusion that the NHS has to be “reformed”.</p>
<p>The way to do this, the IoD argues, is to break it up, hand its assets over to private (or, as a first stage, mutual) ownership, increase private finance, stop it completely from treating patients and reduce its role to that of “funder and regulator”.</p>
<p>In other words, do to health care what Mr Major did to public transport with such disastrous results.</p>
<p>The strategy may be wicked and dishonest, but it certainly isn’t stupid. The electorate will never be asked, and Labour MPs will never be embarrassed by being called to vote for abolishing the NHS. The job will be done out of sight and out of mind by local managers to all intents and purposes accountable to no-one.</p>
<p>The IoD has already announced that its next target is local services. If this game of political grandmother’s footsteps succeeds, schools and universities will soon be in line for a drop of mutuality and a lot of privatisation.</p>
<p>The Thatcherite dream of unpicking the social progress made over the last 60 years and restoring the up-stairs, down-stairs philosophy of a century ago will be huge step nearer – and all in the name of extending co-operation.</p>
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